Russian foreign policy is based on a truly weird combination of nostalgia for the old Soviet Union and the imperialism of the Tsarist Empire. Russian politicians and academics use the term "sphere of influence" in the late 19th-century sense of the ruler's right to control the external and domestic policies of neighbouring states. One of the strangest aspects of the new Russian ideology is the revival of the old Tsarist symbols to include the double-headed Romanov Eagle - complete with crown-- displayed on official buildings and in the Russian parliament.
We had a wide-ranging conversation about all sorts of matters, from Putin, to the controversy over his passport, to energy, to Europe and energy, to Kaliningrad, to the effects of the economic crisis, to the militia and OMON, to the military and the effects of the reforms, to Khodorkovsky. After a while, he smiled and said that he didn't want to sound so negative, so I suggested that we talk about politics and economics in the US instead-which ended with me apologizing for negativity.
I then took Oleg on a brief tour of some of the sites in St. Louis, notably Forest Park. Hopefully he's now boarding his flight back home.
All in all, an enjoyable morning. One amusing moment came when he asked me about how my blog came to be named "Streetwise Professor." I told him that it derived from a combination of (a) the fact that "the Street" refers to the financial markets that I had originally intended to blog about exclusively, (b) the fact that I'm a professor, and (c) my punk rock inclinations. He smiled and said that he liked the title because it makes him think of street protests.
For a while, the gambit was working its magic - especially fueled on by the additionally well-timed publishing of Igor Yurgens report calling for urgent and immediate political reforms or else Russia would face atrophy. Olga Kryshtanovskaya of the Russian Academy of Sciences appeared to be buying into it, as she told the Financial Times that the Kaliningrad-Mironov-Yurgens events showed that "Cracks are starting to appear in the hierarchy of the state."
Last year the Kremlin dented Mr Luzhkov's political machine by firing his police chief. The Rechnik row gives the Kremlin extra ammunition. "This may not be the last straw against Luzhkov, but it is certainly another one," says an insider. State television has fiercely attacked Mr Luzhkov. A civic council set up by the Kremlin has now forced the demolition of houses in Rechnik to be suspended.
National newspapers including Nezavisimaya Gazeta suggested Thursday that the quarrel was senseless because Mironov poses no threat to Putin or United Russia, suggesting that the sudden scandal was in fact an attempt to move the media spotlight away from Kaliningrad.
A senior member of the Communist Party, Duma Deputy Sergei Obukhov, told Echo Moskvy radio that "two boys are imitating a fight to get public attention away from the problems that led to the mass protest erupting in the Kaliningrad region."
Meanwhile, the Kremlin seems to have taken the situation there rather seriously, firing Oleg Matveichev, the Kremlin official responsible for domestic politics in northwestern Russia, where the Kaliningrad exclave is located.


